On the daybreak of the 21st Century, the rot in Nigeria’s training sector is extra actual than obvious. Regardless of the quantum of neoliberal reform insurance policies and “investments” within the sector, the Nigerian training system continues to move south. The colonial legacy of deliberate underdevelopment of the African training system to supply low-cost ideologically malleable manpower for Western home capitalism seems impotent to elucidate the present pattern therefore, the necessity for a extra home-grown prognosis. Accordingly, this text examines the nexus between the character/high quality of the Nigerian ruling class and the phenomenon of constantly declining instructional requirements in Nigeria. It deploys the idea of “Motor Park Democracy” vis-à-vis the Tout Concept of Politics to elucidate the dysfunctionality of Nigerian training, particularly when it comes to unravelling the foundation explanation for the decay. Moreover, it anchors the research on the Marxist Structural Causality to display the interconnectedness of this decay with different sides of the Nigerian formation, and proffers related recommendations for reviving the sector.
There is no such thing as a gainsaying the truth that the Nigerian instructional system within the 21st Century is as moribund as it’s comatose. Sadly, regardless of key indices that counsel the opposite, the Nigerian ruling class by way of her governmental surrogates continues to grandstand about its neoliberal reform insurance policies and investments within the sector. Nevertheless, when the results of those reforms and investments are reviewed, they’re seen to be extra inimical than helpful to Nigerian training, if not fully beauty. By the way, extant evaluation concerning the culpability of the colonial legacy of deliberate underdevelopment of the African instructional sector to supply an affordable and ideologically malleable workforce for Western home capitalism now seems inadequate to elucidate the disaster, as rising traits appear to implicate the character/high quality of the indigenous ruling class for the downward spiral of Nigerian training.
In “Motor Park Democracy: Interrogating the Tout Concept of Politics” (2020), Professor Jonah Onuoha articulates the idea of “Motor Park Democracy” as a fallout of his Tout Concept of Politics which seeks to hyperlink the asinine nature of politics, democracy and improvement in a neoliberal state like Nigeria to the touting behaviour of the subsisting ruling class. Nevertheless, an earlier invention of the idea was present in Charles Dickson’s “Away from Motor Park Democracy, Management forward of 2007.” However, Motor Park Democracy portrays the political conjuncture as a motor park by which the ruling class in addition to her political surrogates and stipendiaries are behaving like touts. It’s a “money and carry” type of democracy characterised by egocentric horse buying and selling with little or no concern concerning the high quality of the commodity being traded or its utility to the wellbeing of the lots. Characteristically, tout politics is probably violent, lays a lot emphasis on financial and materials accumulation and tolerates loads of mediocrity. On the nationwide and worldwide ranges, the ruling class that’s engaged on this type of politics is amenable to the neoliberal prescriptions of the Capitalist West, subsequently, it’s not reluctant to sacrifice nationwide improvement on the altar of envenomed commerce liberalization, structural adjustment, forex devaluation, unceasing accumulation of overseas and home money owed/loans, prebendal corruption and compradorization, and many others., as soon as it has secured her personal egocentric pursuits from her overseas or home patrons. “Motor Park Democracy” is laced with elements of godfatherism involving a supreme tout who’s the political and ideological head of the colony of touts. Truly, the motor park relations of manufacturing reveals little or no real interest in the folks’s mental improvement, and is especially characterised by a warped type of absolute loyalty which is blind and fierce.
Conversely, the Marxist Structural Causality was propounded by Nicos Poulantzas to display the predominance of societal constructions in figuring out the behaviour of the state. Nevertheless, the framework is adopted on this evaluation given the idea that the ruling class of a given formation creates the constructions that decide the behaviour of that formation by way of its actions within the historically-determined mode of manufacturing. Thus, by creating the legal guidelines that govern politics in a capitalist financial system to guard its vested pursuits within the financial system, the petit-bourgeois ruling class of the neoliberal state inadvertently creates the authorized construction for figuring out and implementing the subjugation, alienation and steady exploitation of the subordinated courses. As an illustration, the petit-bourgeoisie may alienate the proletariat from political energy by inflating the costs of nomination varieties for elective positions in such a way that they’re past the affordability of the common citizen. Ipso facto, its place within the relations of manufacturing is perpetually entrenched.
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As we’ve got hinted earlier, the overdose of neoliberal reform insurance policies in Nigeria’s training sector has produced little or no end result. That is courtesy of the truth that the reform insurance policies of the neoliberal state are intentionally put in place to cripple native innovation in order that the pursuits of overseas finance and industrial capital would proceed to thrive. As Ifesinachi (2007) places it, “privatization and market pushed overseas financial coverage in structurally dependent states are likely to undermine common developmental aspirations.” As an illustration, one shining instance relating to the failure of neoliberal reform insurance policies to reverse the declining fortunes of Nigerian training is the introduction of the 9-3-4 system of training in Nigeria. This method changed the outdated 6-3-3-4 system and based on Uwaifo and Uddin (2009) was “anticipated to fulfill the Millennium Growth Targets (MDGs) by 2020.” Nevertheless, like all externally directed neoliberal insurance policies, the 9-3-4 system which seems to have lacked sociological suffrage finally failed. As Uwaifo and Uddin (2009) assessed it, “This programme has failed to realize a lot not solely due to lack of human and materials assets however largely because of poor implementation.” By the way, this was not the primary time that such reform when it comes to the variety of years to be spent in every of those tutorial phases was made. In line with Gusau (2008), instructional reforms began in Nigeria as early as 1954 with the swap from the 8-6-2-3 system – that’s, 8-year main, 6-year secondary, 2-year increased faculty certificates and 3-year college, to the 6-5-2-3 system that was 6-year main, 5-year secondary, 2-year increased faculty certificates and 3-year college. Later, the Nationwide Curriculum Convention of 1969 which held in Lagos really useful additional modifications to the system culminating within the American patterned 6-3-3-4 system which is 6-year main, 3-year junior secondary, 3-year senior secondary and 4-year college. Sadly, this format suffered the identical destiny as its predecessor. Curiously, Adesina (1980)’s report corroborates the tendency of neoliberal financial reforms to finish in failure occasioned by limitless confusion, poor planning and implementation. He complains that the “Free Common Major Schooling was launched in 1976 however the coverage on training itself appeared in 1977 one 12 months after the implementation of the programme. In this sort of state of affairs the place implementation is forward of coverage, confusion will surely emerge. Wants evaluation was not correctly achieved; the top end result was absence of ample statistical knowledge.” As Ismaila (1998) narrates,
“1975-1983 witnessed the launching of the big instructional programme in Nigeria. Above all, it was a interval of unprecedented monetary imprudence, irrational planning, giant scale manufacturing that culminated in a steep decline from increase to doom. Within the absence of any complete planning, the implementers of the programme have (sic) their leeway; they selected what was necessary and what was not. Emergency contractors executing fictitious contracts grew to become the norms (sic), substandard buildings within the title of UPE scattered all around the nation, half-baked academics populated the educating pressure, ghost employees have been made half and parcel of the UPE programme. The large duty Federal Authorities of Nigeria took in respect of the UPE programme can not (sic) be sustained. The monetary burden grew to become too nice that authorities started to draw back from its undertakings. As a face saving measure the then Obasanjo administration positioned Major training underneath joint management of States and Native Governments within the 1979 Structure, the place Native Governments had direct management over main colleges. To worsen the state of affairs some states within the federation began reversing the coverage by returning again voluntary and mission colleges to their former homeowners. The falling costs of petroleum within the worldwide market go (sic) a dearth (sic) sentence to UPE programme. States and Native Governments couldn’t fund main training as such started to cost charges and what was left; UPE programme was neither free nor common. It was merely a political expediency designed to impress Nigerian lots….”
That is the prototype character of neoliberal reforms. Not solely that they encourage corruption and inefficiency, they go away each system worse than they met it. Sadly, the aforementioned solely constitutes the origin of the issues within the training sector. As we’ve got seen, the reforms within the sector weren’t solely poorly executed however, additionally they didn’t uplift the requirements of Nigerian training. Expectedly, the reforms ought to fail as a result of they have been principally externally directed and wouldn’t have arisen out of any sociologically censored suffrage to deal with the indigenous wants of the sector. Consequently, the shortage of indigenous enter within the articulation of those reforms would additionally imply that the extent of consultations and consensus amongst key gamers within the sector is low, in order that these key gamers may really feel alienated and subsequently, much less within the coverage implementation course of. Below this environment, inefficiency was anticipated to thrive as a result of the lack of curiosity by key gamers within the sector would translate to decreased checks and balances on the contractors enlisted to implement the scheme. Sadly, corruption would set in as a result of the shortage of checks on the sphere would invariably end result to poor auditing which would go away the contractors and their cronies with a lot cash to mess around with, with out worry of penalties. Within the ultimate evaluation, the Nigerian training system can be worse off. It’s subsequently not stunning that regardless of these historic reforms, a plethora of proof signifies that nothing vital has occurred within the sector. As an illustration, the World Financial Discussion board (2017) presents Nigeria as rating 124th out of 137 international locations as regards the standard of her main training system. Moreover, a 2012 research by Watkins and Gruebel discovered that about 58.3% of Nigerian schoolchildren weren’t studying the basic numeracy and literacy expertise required for them to perform successfully, particularly within the instructional sector. Equally, Peterside (2023) aptly describes the present state of instructional infrastructure in Nigeria thus,
“The training infrastructure in Nigeria is outdated, decrepit, poor, and typically abysmal. Successive governments have didn’t construct new public colleges commensurate to the group want, or the place they do, no actual investments are made in infrastructure and services. The situation of most public colleges are (sic) horrible, and nobody needs to check there. The college buildings and premises are “not match for function”. There may be an excessive degree of negligence in the direction of training.”
Nevertheless, we’re involved with the issues of the training sector at this time. On this regard, it’s instructive to notice that regardless of the colonial legacy of deliberate underdevelopment of the training techniques of the colonies to supply low-cost labour which is simply too intellectually weak to query its subordinated function within the colonial relations of manufacturing, the official perspective of the up to date Nigerian ruling class seems extra complicit than ever in nailing the coffin of instructional improvement in Nigeria. In essence, the “physique language” of this ruling class doesn’t seem to point out its willpower to redeem the tutorial sector. Aside from the intermittent intervals of business motion in tertiary establishments which seem unceasing, coupled with the seeming disdain for academics in any respect ranges, the inertia usually exhibited by the Nigerian ruling class in conserving to agreements with labour unions within the instructional sector have a tendency to present away its degree of disinterestedness in training. Via her governmental brokers, the ruling class would signal agreements with labour unions within the sector encouraging them to droop subsisting industrial actions; then, it might renege on the agreements solely to shortly signal new ones at any time when these unions resume or threaten to renew one other spherical of business motion, and the cycle continues. Curiously, the decision from sure quarters that wards of presidency brokers should be barred from attending overseas tutorial establishments haven’t been heeded, even when it’s clear that such transfer may revitalize authorities’s curiosity within the welfare of the tutorial sector. The results of all these has been a sense of helplessness amongst Nigerian college students who’re the victims of those shenanigans within the instructional sector. To worsen the state of affairs, authorities’s incapacity to redirect the course of society from criminality seems deliberate and clearly conceived to learn the tout financial system which consists primarily of present and former political thugs craving for “settlement”. Moreover, the seeming ease of financial ascendancy of criminally-minded people within the society with its attendant tradition of glorification of crass materialism seems to have bolstered the helplessness of the common Nigerian scholar who’s out of the blue lacking or disconnected from the social division of labour, having out of the blue realized that regardless of all of the years he had spent at school, he had neither graduated nor earned affordable cash to cater for his duties at house. Quickly, this undergraduate begins to see training as a rip-off and time waster and begins to intention to be as “profitable” as his criminally-minded friends no matter what it takes. Sadly, when this scholar finally graduates, what awaits him is even worse as a result of after a few years of commencement, the roles stay elusive. With time, the perennial lack of employment constrains him to both be a part of the bandwagon of criminality or resort to studying trades within the casual sector the place he’s typically ridiculed by his friends who now take into account themselves very fortunate to have prevented formal training. Generally, he would have misplaced a lot of his youthful age looking for his toes within the motor park social relations of manufacturing which doesn’t accord any modicum of respect to his standing as a graduate. Even when he finally finds a job, it turns into clear in lots of circumstances that the poor curriculum that was used to kind him at school didn’t adequately put together him for the job. Sadly, reasonably than blame the inadequacy of the out of date and poor curriculum which served as the idea of his instructional formation, the society manufacturers him an unemployable graduate. Consequently, as issues proceed to deteriorate, the younger folks start to see the tutorial system as a waste of time and the respect for the merchandise of the sector additionally begins to decrease. All of the sudden, we notice that the majority of society is now made up of illiterates or half-baked graduates whose solely criterion for gauging success is the sum of money in a single’s pockets. This era of youths would do something to get cash and would by no means have a excessive regard for training. Accordingly, because the emphasis on financial aggrandizement will increase, social norms and values start to say no whereas criminality continues to develop in leaps and bounds. Moreover, the ruling class which is the political and ideological head of this tout financial system doesn’t see something flawed within the state of affairs as a result of they’d depend on this pool of touts to ensure their steady maintain on energy within the subsequent elections. Thus, the syndrome of “abdomen infrastructure” on the financial degree of the tout financial system is replicated on the political degree with “settlement” politics the place the vanguards of the tout financial system are rewarded with elective or appointive positions in authorities with little or no regard for competence, eligibility or accountability. Therefore, it’s doable to find that in a tout financial system, even the essential tutorial necessities to occupy a political workplace is probably not met, but, the occupant manages to occupy the workplace, utilizing identical workplace to cater for the “settlement” of a number of smaller touts whom he has been mandated to cater for, by the supreme tout.
At this juncture, the tout financial system is seen to have turn into extremely specialised with a number of touts caring for quite a few subsidiaries with the only real intention of counting on their patronage for future elections. Because of this, the operators of motor park democracy turn into extra preoccupied with the settlement of their touting patrons reasonably than the welfare of the generality of the citizenry; such that, as soon as the patronage of those touts is assured for the subsequent election, something can go in authorities. This explains the frequent pattern in motor park democracies the place regardless of quite a few seen shortcomings, an underperforming authorities remains to be “re-elected” to energy in landslide method, to the chagrin of the respectable voting public. In some circumstances, it doesn’t matter whether or not the candidate campaigned for the submit or not, it doesn’t additionally matter whether or not he’s certified for the submit or not, as some candidates in a motor park democracy are identified to have gained elections even whereas serving jail phrases.
In view of the foregoing, the destiny of training in a motor park democracy turns into clearer. Like their political counterparts, the scholars in a motor park democracy don’t have any regard for exhausting work. Their academics are usually not additionally higher off. To start with, the disinterestedness of the motor park ruling class to spend money on training in an financial system the place training is just not wanted conduces to the pauperization of the important thing gamers within the sector, particularly the academics. This units the stage for the huge corruption and ineptitude which might be to observe. Moreover, owing to the touting behaviour of the overall society, the character formation facet of educating and studying is already lifeless on arrival. Thus, it’s not stunning to see college students who’re well-known for his or her fraudulent actions turning into the toast of academics in a tout financial system as a result of these college students present a lot of the funds wanted to rehabilitate the hungry academics. In some circumstances, the few college students who’ve managed to retain their ethical standing within the tout financial system are seen as weaklings and never-do-wells partly due to their assumed incapacity for dastardly criminality, however primarily due to their financial despair when put next with their criminally-minded counterparts. As it’s with training, so it’s with different sides of the financial system. Paradoxically, regardless of the premium on good well being which needs to be anticipated in a tout financial system (because it takes good well being to have interaction in touting actions), the well being sector in a tout financial system is just not spared of neglect.
The transport sector which is likely one of the favourites of the tout financial system can be disorganised with hardly any significant infrastructure besides road urchins who parade themselves because the lords of the streets given their so-called affiliation with the supreme tout. Accordingly, the purpose must be made that the extent of morass skilled in a motor park democracy is reflective of the decay within the unusual motor park which is the ideological origin of the tout financial system, and replicates itself in all strata of governance and administration to preserve and glorify the social capability for damaging nuisance worth which the “stakeholders” symbolize. In some situations, these “stakeholders” turn into so domineering that even the official coercive equipment of the state is both subordinated to their whims and caprices or is condemned to play second fiddle within the political financial system of nationwide defence and safety.
Having come this far, we should state that the revival of the training sector is crucial for the rebirth of a good and progressive financial system. Nevertheless, this revival wouldn’t come till the tout financial system is in the end confined to the dustbin of historical past. Accordingly, the relegation of the tout financial system should start with the emphasis on issues-based elections concretized by common insistence on electoral debates throughout electioneering campaigns reasonably than the persona mainstreaming that always involves the fore. This is step one for the restoration of Nigerian training.
The second step would contain an enormous citizens-based activism to compel the political successors of the tout financial system to speculate massively in training. Moreover, such investments have to be made in due session with the important thing stakeholders within the sector to deal with the important points impeding instructional progress and improvement reasonably than ready for exterior forces to find out the mode of reforms. Moreover, the UNESCO advice of voting 15-20% of the annual finances to training have to be discarded in view of the huge dilapidation awaiting consideration within the sector. Accordingly, federal tertiary establishments and unity colleges have to be empowered to pursue various sources of funding whereas subnational governments are additionally to start out wanting inwards for various sources of funding for state-run tertiary establishments and colleges. Equally, native governments’ income have to be revamped by abolishing the states-local governments’ joint account system to make for elevated funding for educational establishments at that degree. Lastly, the wards of elected and appointed political workplace holders have to be barred from attending overseas colleges, for the intervals that such officers maintain the workplace.
The ‘Different Viewpoint,’ penned by Flight Lieutenant Christopher Uchenna Obasi (Retired), is a complicated weekly column that delves into the advanced dimensions of socio-political points. Whereas it concentrates totally on the African context, the column additionally casts a wider analytical internet to embody world affairs. Via incisive commentary and in-depth evaluation, it goals to supply various views that problem mainstream narratives and provoke considerate discourse on important issues.