Within the aftermath of the Nigerian Civil Conflict, the political fortunes of the Igbos of South-East Nigeria seem to have been steadily deteriorating. The decline on the political entrance appears to have been replicated on the financial entrance culminating in an environment of hopelessness and frenzy among the many Igbos, with attendant lack of seen progress within the 5 states of South-East Nigeria. Regardless of these challenges, the Igbo seek for political path seems to have remained haphazard with no significant changes significantly on the ideological degree. Accordingly, this text opinions the “Igbo-enwe-eze” idea of Igbo primitive republicanism highlighting the shortfalls that emphasize its anachronism to the political and financial ascendancy of South-East Nigeria. Moreover, it insists that the need for political relevance and financial uplifting among the many Igbos of South-East Nigeria should first start with the seek for a extra acceptable ideology that greatest serves such pursuits inside a united Nigeria. Consequently, it makes suggestions for peaceable Nigeria-Igbo relations.
At independence, the Igbos of the defunct Japanese Nigeria had been thought-about as one of many legs of the Nigerian tripod which comprised of the three main ethnic teams within the nation to wit, the Hausa-Fulani, the Yorubas and the Igbos. These ethnic teams had been thought-about “main” solely when it comes to their numbers and never essentially as a result of they had been superior to the practically 400 ethnic nationalities that dotted the Nigerian panorama. Traditionally, there was mutual respect between these ethnic teams which lived comparatively peacefully within the few years after independence till the Nigerian Civil Conflict of 1966 – 1970. Sadly, the sectionalist tendencies of the main politicians of Nigeria’s First Republic amplified the fault strains of ethnic rivalry, confirming the fears of the ethnic minorities about their potential emasculation in what may turn out to be the dictatorship of the ethnic majorities. As these tendencies grew, belief started to decrease between the main ethnicities on the one hand, and however, between ethnic minorities and ethnic majorities which appeared to dominate the political area in lots of the areas. Actual hassle began with the rigging of the 1962 Census which was repeated in 1963 however nonetheless ended up with controversial outcomes. Moreover, inside schisms throughout the Motion Group (AG) had precipitated a number of clashes between the Awolowo and Akintola factions leading to wanton violence. This attracted the Federal declaration of state of emergency within the Western area which was the bottom of the Occasion. Nevertheless, with Awolowo’s arrest in 1963 and his subsequent award of a 10-year jail sentence, the AG was formally set on the trail of decline. In the meantime, the creation of the Mid-West area to assuage the fears of sure minorities was seen by the Western area as a federal try and weaken the West – particularly as regards its standing as the ability base of the opposition Motion Group. By the way, the 1964 Common Elections that adopted the census of 1962 – 63 additionally witnessed large rigging leading to numerous contestations and riots throughout the nation – and in all of those, the navy was watching within the background. Thus, on 15 January 1966, Main Patrick Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu and his band of coup plotters struck the First Republic out of existence in a sequence of operations starting with “DAMISA” however the Nzeogwu intervention was later to be tagged an Igbo coup in view of the collateral harm on the Northern and Western “fronts” which noticed the demise of the premiers of those areas in addition to many senior navy officers of Northern and Western extraction. The end result of the coup was largely accountable for the extrajudicial killings of Igbos within the pogrom that adopted, culminating within the counter coup of 28 July 1966. Accordingly, the Igbo struggling and depravity within the aftermath of the “July Rematch” compounded by the carnage of the Civil Conflict was to herald an period of constant political and socioeconomic decline for the ethnic nationality. Sadly, the lengthy years of decline seem to not have been confronted with affordable mental vigour on the a part of the Igbos to reverse the pattern, apart from periodic lamentations of marginalisation usually laced with discordant and incoherent methods for the revival of the defunct sovereign state of Biafra. Accordingly, the goal of this effort is to evaluate the Igbo technique of survival throughout the post-Civil Conflict Nigerian federation with a view to creating suggestions.
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Professor MarkAnthony Nze’s Worth-Oriented System Principle in Modern Instances (VOST) is a framework of strategic administration and management conceptualized alongside 3 predominant drivers particularly – a value-oriented considering course of, information creation/administration and social change methods for developmental progress/transformation by means of innovation and entrepreneurship. It’s constructed on the 1+19=VOST (1=velocity, 19=accuracy) doctrine and aimed toward making use of velocity and accuracy to manufacture modern options to concrete issues in rapidly-changing political and socio-economic environments. The VOST Principle is distinguishable by its emphasis on offering options for actual issues as an alternative of educational ones, in addition to mainstreaming environments through which issues have occurred to search out acceptable options. Accordingly, we will depend on this framework to indicate that the lack of the Igbos to speedily comprehend and precisely reply to the rising anti-Igbo sentiment within the years instantly sequel to the Civil Conflict was largely accountable for the political and socio-economic dilapidation which they presently face in Nigeria.
In keeping with the Harvard Critiques, the defunct Japanese Nigeria (between 1954 and 1964) was the quickest rising financial system on the earth. It was rising sooner than nations like China and Singapore, and this was evident within the variety of companies registered in Nigeria on the time, which amounted to greater than 68,000 within the East in comparison with just a little over 5,000 within the West and about 2,000 within the North. The Igbo resourceful spirit was palpable even throughout the battle when Igbos regionally refined petroleum, manufactured their very own weapons and virtually withstood a greater outfitted Nigerian facet for a gruelling 3 years. In keeping with Anele (2021), “Igbo individuals additionally dominated the officer corps of the Nigerian military whereas northerners populated the junior ranks and Non-Commissioned Officer (NCO) cadres. Equally, Siollun (2009) cited in Anele (2021) opines that “within the ethnic stratification of the officer corps, between 65 – 70% of the military majors had been Igbo.” These had been a number of the wonderful heights that Igbos attained in Nigeria till the outbreak of the Nigerian Civil Conflict of 1967-1970. By the way, the Igbos misplaced the battle and like some other conquered belligerent, the Igbo place within the Nigerian political and socio-economic firmament turned precarious. The crux of the issue was the lack of the Igbos to rapidly align their considering with their quickly altering setting by first understanding that no matter no matter is alleged after any battle – whether or not placatory or perfunctory – the destiny of the vanquished is all the time within the arms of the victor. It due to this fact amounted to sheer delusion for a vanquished individuals to start to count on a simple return to pre-war privileges and positions whatever the preliminary gestures of forgiveness and acceptability that their conquerors made pretensions to supply. Thus, by promising reconciliation, reconstruction and rehabilitation, the Gowon regime handed out a façade to the Igbos which they instantly fell for, paving the way in which for an period of perennial Igbo expectations of fairness from a authorities that appeared to not be too enthusiastic to accommodate a folks that fought a battle in opposition to it. Sadly, the primary signal of Gowon’s volte face got here with the promulgation of The Public Officers (Particular Provisions) Decree No 46 of 1970 which summarily dismissed or compulsorily retired Igbo officers who participated within the battle, regardless of an earlier promise by the regime to reabsorb them. The second signal sufficed when Igbos returned to Port Harcourt solely to find that a lot of their property have been taken over by the individuals they left behind vis-à-vis the Deserted Property Coverage of the Rivers State Authorities. The third signal was the flat award of 20 kilos to each “ex-Biafran” regardless of how a lot he had within the financial institution earlier than the Conflict, which was the goal of The Banking Obligation (Japanese States) Decree No 56 of 1970. The exclusion of Calabar from the operability of this Decree testified to its determined specificity in concentrating on the core economies of the Igbo heartland. The fourth signal was the promulgation of the Nigerian Enterprises Promotion Decree of 1972 which ensured the financial empowerment of Nigerians who had sufficient cash to put money into a number of the nation’s crucial enterprises thereby alienating the Igbos whose 20 kilos had been ineffective within the face of such large acquisitions. Whereas the Igbos had been nonetheless anticipating reconstruction, the fifth signal got here within the kind of the present deliberate coverage of steady infrastructural degradation of Igbo land, conducing to the reckless abandonment of nearly all seaports and river ports within the area, coupled with the continual “localization” of airports in strategic Igbo cities that should possess worldwide airports. That is along with the results of a quasi-federal structure which positioned the assets of the South East on the management of the Federal Authorities. These insurance policies had been clearly supposed to subjugate a folks that had been promised rehabilitation after a devastating 30-month civil battle. Sadly, relatively than rapidly respect the occasions and retreat to articulate the way in which ahead, the Igbos continued with the illusory sense of pre-war entitlement and privileges. To worsen issues, the Igbo political idea of “Igbo-enwe-eze” (the Igbos don’t have any king) proved to be extremely injurious to any prospect of forging a standard entrance within the effort to repel the rising anti-Igbo political and socio-economic onslaught. “Igbo-enwe-eze” meant that the Igbos couldn’t queue behind any chief to talk for the individuals. It additionally meant the gradual erosion of the values of respect for the elders and leaders of thought owing to the rising assumption by many Igbo youths that anybody who was not accountable for their materials sustenance was not value their respect or loyalty. That is usually understood from the expression: “I na-enye m nri?!” (Do you feed me?!), which is the same old retort of a few of these youths anytime they’re confronted with the questions of obedience to elders or loyalty to a trigger. Sadly, the few illustrious Igbo sons who managed to rapidly carve a distinct segment for themselves after the battle regardless of the 20 kilos coverage seemed to be extra excited by bickering and battling for native supremacy and recognition whereas their home burned. Within the ensuing maelstrom, the Igbo society commenced a journey of gradual however regular lack of relevance. With time, Igbo youths started to detest the management lacuna in Igbo land in addition to the political elite whom they felt had been too bored with saving them from a scenario through which it appeared that their future was slipping away. Because the seeming elite disinterestedness to unravel the Igbo downside continued, allegations of elite collusion and complicity within the prevailing issues emerged to strengthen the youths’ tendency to deride their leaders. The elders and the standard establishment weren’t spared of the vilifications as a result of their conspicuous lack of ability to advise the erring elite was construed by the irate youths as an indication of acquiescence. The top end result was that the common Igbo youth appeared to have completely misplaced regard for his elder or political chief such that in current occasions, these leaders have turn out to be the topic of dastardly assaults. In view of those lapses, it was not stunning that agitations for the resurrection of the sovereign state of Biafra emerged to compound the already present confusion. Extra so, the perspective of the Igbo elite in direction of the resurgent Biafran ideology difficult their relationship with the remainder of the individuals primarily as a result of they appeared to neither make spirited efforts to dissuade the offended youths in opposition to Biafra nor did they present appreciable empathy for the trigger. Thus, by persevering with to undertake a coverage of neutrality to the Biafran trigger, the Igbo elite additional alienated themselves from their house base whereas striving to endear themselves to the Nigerian centre. Sadly, their efforts to curry the favours of the centre appeared to not have materialized apart from an insignificant few however again house, well-liked resentment in opposition to Igbo politicians was now extra palpable than ever. Thus, when Mazi Nnamdi Kanu and his Indigenous Individuals of Biafra (IPOB) appeared on stage, there was no power to contend the political area with him as a result of the socio-political help base politicians would ordinarily require to problem IPOB was nearly non-existent. By the way, the helplessness of those politicians was uncovered by their shameful lack of ability to finish “sit-at-home,” and was compounded by fixed Federal accusations of complicity within the IPOB melee, in order that with the approaching of the Japanese Safety Community (ESN) and the arrival of the “unknown” gunmen, the long run turned gloomy for the common Igbo politician.
The purpose being made is that the idea of “Igbo-enwe-eze” atomised the igbo society virtually to the purpose that collective consciousness to sort out frequent issues turned missing. “Igbo-enwe-eze” was alleged to be the image of the Igbo affinity for democracy however the lack of value-oriented considering among the many Igbo lent this initially stunning idea to extra pejorative interpretations which now hinder the progress of the ethnic nationality. Extra importantly, the lack of the Igbos to assume swiftly according to their altering setting and style out intellectually modern methods to handle the post-Civil Conflict betrayal which denied them the advantages of the 3Rs turned a historic undoing which alone or together with the trauma of the battle, had continued to plague the Igbos until date. However, the query as to Igbo marginalization within the Nigerian scheme of issues is just not doubtful and fairly a lot of anomalies underscore this level. First, the South East geopolitical zone which the Igbos are grouped into has the least variety of states within the nation and regardless of this writer’s disbelief within the steady balkanization of the nation as a foundation for growth, all of the Igbo hue and cry in respect of disproportionality of states haven’t gotten the eye of the centre. Moreover, the Buhari civilian regime of 2015 – 2023 appeared too indisposed to the appointment of Igbos as heads of safety companies and as is that if this was not sufficient, Senator Enyinnaya Abaribe as soon as declared in a TV interview that the one Igbo man who labored in Aso Rock on the time was “a photographer named Sunny.” Moreover, the destruction of Igbo property and companies with out penalties anytime there’s a little skirmish or political upheaval anyplace within the Nation no matter whether or not Igbos had been celebration to the disputes or not, turned the signpost of Igbo weak spot within the Nigerian federation, such that throughout the lately concluded 2023 Common Elections, political thugs and all method of individuals had been seen threatening Igbos in Lagos and different cities to vote for sure candidates or return to their properties. This was after a firstclass chief in thesame Lagos had earlier threatened to throw Igbos into the lagoon in the event that they selected to not vote his most popular candidate.
Presently, 2 choices exist for the Igbos within the administration of their post-war predicament in Nigeria. The primary choice is the continued insistence on the actualization of the sovereign state of Biafra however the issue with this selection is the dearth of coherence and reliability of technique, coupled with the tendency of some freedom fighters to commercialize the method leading to rising well-liked disaffection for the trigger. The obvious commercialization of the Biafran battle and the continual factionalization of freedom fighters seem to have disorganized the Igbo society alongside the strains of unbridled insecurity occasioned by uncontrolled violence such that the prevailing ambiance of violence has tended to discourage commerce, which is the reside wire of the Igbos. This has resulted in large poverty among the many individuals. Moreover, factionalization seems to have created the chance for collusion with exterior forces accused of hijacking the battle to inflict dastardly violence on the Igbo society in order to present IPOB a foul title (or justify its proscription as a terrorist group) thereby worsening the travails of its detained chief, Mazi Nnamdi Kanu. That is in distinction to the methodology of the “Ilana Omo Oodua” whose agitation for a separate Yoruba nation seems to be extra cohesive and peaceable.
The second choice for the Igbos is to stay in Nigeria and machine a way to not solely cohabit peacefully with their neighbours but in addition to reclaim the wonderful heights they attained previous to the battle. This selection would contain numerous bridge constructing and planning occasioned by value-reorientation arising from a crucial appraisal of the prevailing points, coupled with the modern formulation of a dynamic ideology confluent with the always altering political and socio-economic milieu, and appropriate with Igbo strategic pursuits. Accordingly, the Igbo idea of “Igbo-enwe-eze” should fall into desuetude as a result of the truth of Igbo politics in Nigeria exhibits that it’s time for Igbos to have a “king” by means of which their aspirations and yearnings could be projected to the world. There is no such thing as a doubt that the “king” in query ought to be Mazi Nnamdi Kanu. No matter his private flaws, Nnamdi Kanu is clearly essentially the most influential Igbo chief since Odumegwu Ojukwu and due to this fact, the Igbos should queue behind him as a matter of urgency. Nevertheless, to successfully harness the advantages of queuing behind a frontrunner inside a united Nigeria, sure changes within the milieu of Nigeria-Igbo relations could be crucial.
Consequently, it is suggested that:
- The Federal Authorities of Nigeria ought to launch Mazi Nnamdi Kanu unconditionally.
- The Federal Authorities of Nigeria ought to substitute the title “Nigeria” with some other indigenous title that greatest displays the collective aboriginal fantasies of the various ethnic nationalities that represent the Nation.
- The Federal Authorities of Nigeria ought to begin the method of promulgating a brand new structure for the Nation.
- The Federal Authorities of Nigeria ought to implement the report of the 2014 Nationwide Convention.
- The Federal Authorities of Nigeria ought to instantly arrange a South East Improvement Fee to quick monitor the event of the South East geopolitical zone.
- The Federal Authorities of Nigeria ought to adhere strictly to the federal character precept within the conduct of presidency enterprise.
- All states’ homes of meeting within the South-East ought to collaborate to offer a authorized framework for the incorporation of the Japanese Safety Community (ESN) into the safety structure of the area.
- The “Ohaneze ndi Igbo” ought to discard its elitist regalia and present extra curiosity in points affecting the bizarre Igbo man.
- The “Aka Ikenga” ought to set up a worldwide summit to articulate a holistic technique for Igbo reintegration into the post-war Nigerian society.
- Leaders of Igbo-dominated markets in all components of the nation ought to design impeccable safety infrastructures to guard their wares.
- All Igbo politicians vying for electoral positions within the nation ought to acknowledge the necessity to construct bridges throughout all geopolitical divides.
The ‘Various Viewpoint,’ penned by Flight Lieutenant Christopher Uchenna Obasi (Retired), is a classy weekly column that delves into the advanced dimensions of socio-political points. Whereas it concentrates totally on the African context, the column additionally casts a wider analytical web to embody world affairs. By incisive commentary and in-depth evaluation, it goals to supply various views that problem mainstream narratives and provoke considerate discourse on crucial issues.